Saturday, February 25, 2012

Lincoln's Leadership


Last week I talked about George Washington, and it only seems fair that Abraham Lincoln should also get his due. A masterful story teller with a legendary sense of humor, Lincoln, despite probably being depressed a great deal of the time, easily enters our imagination. Like Washington, he stands out as a great leader who carried our nation through the greatest test since its founding. Although the country had just survived the searing experience of an awful civil war, characterized by horrendous casualties and intense partisanship, by the time he was assassinated, Lincoln had forged a strong new definition of the union and had finally brought about the abolition of slavery, an achievement of such magnitude it’s hard to measure.

Several qualities define Lincoln’s leadership: integrity, compassion, resoluteness, self-confidence, and single-mindedness along with unparalleled political skills.

Lincoln’s life story is the stuff of myth: the self-educated, self-made man who rose from a log cabin on the frontier to President of the United States by dint of hard work, a commitment to self-improvement, and common sense. While not entirely true, the general outlines are. Lincoln married well and developed a successful law practice doing what today we would call corporate law, much of it for railroads. A convivial person and effective communicator, he began his political career as a Whig in the Illinois legislature and then served one term in Congress in the 1840s. Having joined the newly created Republican Party, he ran for the Senate against Stephen Douglas in 1858. Though he lost, the positions he outlined on slavery during debates with Douglas gained him national attention. He somewhat unexpectedly received the Republican nomination for President in 1860, defeating the favored Senator William Seward of New York. His victory in the presidential election caused the southern states to secede from the Union. By the time he took office in March of 1861, the sectional tensions that had been intensifying over the previous decades had reached a full-blown crisis. Lincoln was determined to prevent the dissolution of the Union, and against tremendous odds; he achieved that goal before falling to John Wilkes Booth’s bullets only weeks after being inaugurated for his second term and days after Robert E. Lee’s surrender to Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox.

Like many great leaders, Lincoln consciously brought his enemies close and took advantage of having a variety of points of view among his advisors, traits that require a strong sense of self. He put together a cabinet consisting of prominent figures in the Republican Party, including Seward as Secretary of State (as an aside, consider this interesting historical parallel: a relatively obscure and inexperienced candidate from Illinois wins a Presidential election and appoints his well-known, primary rival for the nomination, a Senator from New York, as his Secretary of State), Salmon Chase as Secretary of the Treasury, and Gideon Welles as Secretary of the Navy. All these men considered themselves Lincoln’s superiors, all had had presidential aspirations of their own, and all angled to take advantage of what they perceived as Lincoln’s ineptitude to exercise their own power. However, he masterfully balanced them against one another, neutralizing them all, and eventually winning their begrudging respect.

Lincoln forged his political career in the heated controversy over slavery that dominated mid-19th century American politics. While the containment and eventual termination of slavery remained important to him, he believed that his oath to support the Constitution demanded that he devote his full energies to preserving the Union. He pursued this goal relentlessly and to the exclusion of all else, beginning with his first inaugural address when he asserted that “the union of these states is perpetual.” He maintained the position to the end, when he refused any terms from the Confederacy except unconditional surrender. While, according to historian James McPherson, most Republican leadersincluding Seward, Chase, and Horace Greeley, the influential publisher of the New York Tribuneacted like “foxes”, pursuing a variety of goals simultaneously, Lincoln was a “hedgehog.” He pursued one and only one goal, and this determined his success. McPherson asserts, “If [Seward or Greeley] had been at the helm instead of Lincoln, it is quite likely that the United States would have foundered on the rocks of disunion.”[i]

Like Washington, Lincoln was a man of great moral integrity. This quality played out in numerous ways, small and large. The historian Paul Johnson describes an incident when Lincoln came to confer with Seward, shortly after he had broken his arm and jaw in a carriage accident. As Johnson points out, Lincoln could easily have skipped the conversation on account of Seward’s injury, and given Seward’s condescending attitude towards Lincoln, that might have been an appealing option. Instead, Lincoln lay down on the bed with Seward so they would be at eye level together they discussed the immediate issues facing the government. Johnson says of Lincoln, “He invariably did the right thing, however easily it might have been avoided.”[ii]

Lincoln’s integrity governed his view of his obligation to preserve the Union, and for his commitment to that goal we owe him a great debt. However, his morality also informed his views on slavery, and it was this issue that originally defined him as a politician. A great deal has been written about the early Republicans’ views on slavery. While, like all political parties, the members did not hold monolithic positions, they did share a belief that slavery should not extend into the territories. The motivation for this position varied from those who didn’t want free labor to have to compete with slave labor to those who were morally opposed to slavery. Lincoln, while not an Abolitionist, fell firmly into the camp of moral opposition to slavery. He told a Chicago audience in 1857, “I have always hated slavery, I think as much as any Abolitionist.”[iii] As was typical of the vast majority of whites of his day, he didn’t necessarily believe that blacks and whites were equal. However, he did believe they deserved equal opportunity. Also in 1857, he declared, “. . . in [a black woman’s] natural right to eat the bread she earns with her own hands without asking leave of anyone else, she is my equal, and the equal of all others.”[iv]

While he generally advocated a gradual eradication of slavery and, as we have noted, made the preservation of the Union he sole objective, Lincoln ultimately maneuvered the war aims to end slavery. The Union war effort undermined slavery in a number of ways, including the fact that slaves regularly escaped behind Union lines where they were welcomed and put to work. By the end of the war almost 200,000 blacks, mostly ex-slaves, served as soldiers. Lincoln did not always support these measures initially, usually for political reasons—he was always trying to balance between the conservatives and the Radicals—but in every instance he eventually came around. Of course, his most famous effort in this regard was the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation. Since this document only freed the slaves in states in rebellion, it is often noted that, in fact, it freed no slaves. However, McPherson argues that this criticism misses the point of the Emancipation Proclamation which he asserts “announced a revolutionary new war aim—the overthrow of slavery by force of arms if and when the Union armies conquered the South.”[v] Now the North fought to preserve a Union that would fully realize the promise of the Declaration of Independence that “all men are created equal.” Lincoln went on to support a constitutional amendment to abolish slavery which was ratified in February 1865. The “peculiar institution” had finally met its end.

 Lincoln was single-minded, but he was not doctrinaire. He was also very compassionate. He suffered deeply at the loss of life and the devastating wounds received by so many young men. A person of moderation, he did not seek revenge. He often infuriated his critics by not taking stronger stands, but in the long run he was probably more successful for his generous hand. There was, for example, the famous case of the Ohio man who was arrested for making a speech denouncing the war; rather than imprisoning him, Lincoln had him banished to the Confederacy. He was pleased that Grant offered Lee’s troops clemency, sending them home with their weapons and horses. And most importantly, his proposal for Reconstruction allowed the former Confederates to rehabilitate themselves by doing little more than take an oath of loyalty. Unfortunately, after Lincoln’s assassination, the Radical Republicans succeeded in imposing their much harsher brand of Reconstruction. Had Lincoln lived to oversee Reconstruction, the rebuilding of the Union would have proceeded as he hoped in his Second Inaugural Address, “with Malice towards none, with charity for all” and his leniency would have helped “to bind up the nation’s wounds.” Our post-Civil War history might have evolved quite differently under the leadership of such a compassionate, skillful, focused, and morally grounded man.


[i] James M. McPherson, Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution (New York, 1990), 114.
[ii] Paul Johnson, A History of the American People (New York, 1997), 487.
[iii] Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men (New York, 1970), 215.
[iv] Foner, 296.
[v] McPherson, 34.

Sunday, February 19, 2012

Reflections on Washington's Legacy


This is President’s Weekend, a welcome break in the dreary winter afforded by the celebration of the lives of two of our nation’s greatest presidents, George Washington and Abraham Lincoln, both of whom happened to have February birthdays. For many, this is a weekend to go skiing, or maybe even to make a quick escape to warmer climes. I certainly won’t begrudge anyone a few days of winter fun. I, however, cannot resist the opportunity to put on my former history teacher hat, and devote some time to a brief exploration of leadership as embodied in Washington. A disclaimer: this discussion won’t reflect the most recent scholarship, but rather represents a personal reflection on this historic figure.

Washington had the opportunity to serve his country twice, neither time assuming the responsibilities with much enthusiasm, but both times accepting the call because he believed it was right to do so. Put in command of a non-existent Continental Army in 1775, a few months after hostilities had erupted between British troops and Massachusetts militia men, he faced the most disciplined, powerful military power in the world. An uncooperative Congress, lack of supplies and pay for his men—the worst occurring during the winter of 1778 at Valley Force—insubordination by some of his most talented officers (the traitor Benedict Arnold being the most notable example), and a rag-tag force of largely untrained men from widely varying backgrounds generally more loyal to their colony than some abstract notion of the United States. These hardly constitute conditions conducive for success.
However, through courage and force of personality he managed his detractors by confronting them, calling their bluff, ignoring them, or, in the case of some of his officers, even glossing over their disloyalty in favor of keeping their expertise. Likewise, he won the loyalty and admiration of his troops who knew that he always looked out for their interests. He learned from mistakes, listened to wise counsel from the likes of Nathanael Greene, and showed a willingness to dispense with traditional conventions of war—exemplified by the surprise attack on the Hessian mercenaries at Trenton the day after Christmas. With help from key European allies, he ultimately led the Continental Army to victory. At Cornwallis’ surrender to Washington at Yorktown in 1781, the band appropriately played “The World Turned Upside Down.” Significantly, as they fought for the common cause of freedom from British rule, Washington helped his troops forge a new identity as Americans rather than Virginians or men from Massachusetts. Washington’s ability to conceive a nation before many others did, and to put his prestige behind that vision, proved one of his many critical contributions to the formation of the United States.

The country turned to Washington—a national hero credited with the American triumph over the British—again to serve as the first President under the new constitution, to provide leadership that would build a nation from thirteen disparate states. Much as he would have preferred to stay at Mount Vernon, Washington again obeyed the call. As we all know, he established a number of important precedents, including deciding that the President would be addressed as Mr. President, rather than more aristocratic titles such as “His Mightiness,” suggested by John Adams. He also resigned after his second term, establishing a tradition that lasted until FDR and was finally enshrined as a Constitutional amendment in 1951. Both these actions indicate his lack of interest in self-aggrandizement, his humility, and his understanding of what the nascent republic needed.

One of Washington’s skills, and frankly a quality typical of most great leaders, was identifying and surrounding himself with extremely able people. He had done this with his officer corps during the war and he did so again as he appointed his cabinet. Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of State, and Alexander Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, stood out as among the most brilliant men of their generation. As events unfolded, fierce enmity developed between these two. Washington’s handling of this tense situation once again demonstrated his ability to put the needs of the country ahead of personal interest. He tried as long as he could to keep Jefferson in his cabinet, despite disagreeing with Jefferson’s idealistic attachment to the French Revolution and perhaps more significantly despite Jefferson and Madison’s virulent public campaign against Hamilton and even Washington himself. Washington deplored the development of the political parties that began to coalesce around Hamilton and Jefferson, and implored them to treat each other civilly and respect their differences of opinion. As the two factions garnered strength throughout the country, the partisanship threatened to tear the young republic apart. Washington stayed above the fray and Joseph Ellis, one of his more recent biographers observes that “Without him to center it, the political experiment in republicanism might very well have failed. With him, and in great part because of him, it succeeded.”[i]

Foreign affairs loomed large, particularly during Washington’s second term. The United States was young and weak, and more powerful nations eagerly sought to take advantage of us. Through a series of treaties, Washington’s administration defended U.S. territorial integrity. Through his Proclamation of Neutrality, a position he reinforced in his Farewell Address when he railed against “entangling alliances,” he established the long-standing policy of American neutrality. Failure to take on British aggression or to side with the French revolutionaries, brothers in the overthrow of tyranny, were unpopular decisions but ones that allowed the new nation to concentrate on building itself without expending scarce resources on foreign engagement which promised, to Washington’s mind, no advantage to the U.S.

Of course slavery presents the greatest moral issue of U.S. history, and here again Washington stood above his peers. Like all southern planters, Washington owned slaves, indeed quite a large number. However, over the course of his life, he developed a moral revulsion to slavery and spent a number of years trying to figure out how to disentangle himself from the institution. Always a realist, he could easily be criticized for refusing to support a movement to abolish slavery on a national scale during his presidency—he believed that such action would be too politically divisive. He could also be criticized for not freeing his own slaves during his lifetime. While there were complicated financial reasons that made it difficult for him to emancipate his slaves, by 1793, he had come to the highly unusual conclusion for men of his background that he wished to “liberate a certain species of property which I possess very repugnantly to my feelings.”[ii] Ultimately, he freed his slaves in his will, being very forceful in the wording to his executors on this account. Not only did he free his slaves, but he provided for the care of the elderly no longer be able to work and for children too young to work, including ensuring that they learned to read. He alone among the Founding Fathers took this critical step. Moreover, he did so not just to satisfy his own conscience but, keenly aware of the impact of his actions, to set an example for others.
We cannot underestimate Washington’s contributions to this country. His legacy has stood the test of time and the scrutiny of numerous historians. Ron Chernow, his most recent biographer, summarizes Washington as follows:
History records few examples of a leader who so earnestly wanted to do the right thing, not just for himself but for his country. Avoiding moral shortcuts, he consistently upheld such high ethical standards that he seemed larger than any other figure on the political scene. Again and again the American people had entrusted him with power, secure in the knowledge that he would exercise it fairly and ably and surrender it when his term of office was up. . . . He brought maturity, sobriety, judgment and integrity to a political experiment that could easily have grown giddy with its own vaunted success, and he avoided the backbiting, envy and intrigue that detracted from the achievements of other founders. He had indeed been the indispensable man of the American Revolution.[iii]

The United States’ founding contrasts sharply with most countries’ transition to independence. Consider Senegal, for example, a nation some of us have come to know quite well. Achieving independence from France in 1960, Senegal has been a democracy ever since. The Senegalese people are justifiably proud of their history, all the more significant for its rarity in Africa. However, as I write this, the current president continues his quest to expand executive power and undermine democracy as his police attack demonstrations protesting their leader’s aggregation of power. Washington could have parlayed his military success into dictatorship as so many revolutionary leaders have done, but instead he retired to Mount Vernon. Quite vague about executive power, the Constitution potentially gave Washington the opportunity to construct an imperial presidency and to remain in office for life. He did neither, instinctively balancing the need for a stronger central government with the deep suspicions of power that characterized the revolutionary generation.

As we enjoy this holiday weekend, I hope you’ll take a moment to remember the extraordinary leadership of George Washington, the man whom Congressman Henry “Light Horse Harry” Lee eulogized as “First in war—first in peace—and first in the hearts of his countrymen.”


[i] Joseph J. Ellis, His Excellency: George Washington (New York, 2004), 190.
[ii] James Thomas Flexner, Washington: The Indispensable Man (New York and Ontario, 1974), 392.
[iii] Ron Chernow, Washington: A Life (New York, 2010), 812.